More than two weeks have passed since I saw a photo of Nicolás Maduro in Nike pyjamas, after being captured by U.S. special forces and flown to New York on January 3, 2026. That night, I thought nothing in international relations could surprise me anymore. Now I expect the U.S. will take control of Greenland from its NATO allies, either the easy way or the hard way. Geopolitics has always been unpredictable, but the rapidly emerging new era is forcing us to revise many of our long-held assumptions.
The Maduro operation wasn’t just a showcase of American military power; it has revealed a great deal about the current state of international relations. A sitting U.S. president ordered the capture of another sitting president, who was immediately transported to face charges in U.S. courts. I don’t need to be an international law expert to see how many fundamental international rules and institutions have been damaged with this single military operation.
Am I going to whine about the ideals of the international order? Not at all. Do I feel sorry for Maduro? Not for a second. He and his socialist cronies deserve far worse humiliation and punishment. His disastrous socialist policies forced at least seven million Venezuelans to leave their homes and immigrate abroad. Meanwhile, millions more remain powerless, awaiting a change in the establishment to reclaim their lives from shameless, parasitic oligarchs.
However, this isn’t the debate we should focus on. We have entered a Brave New World, where realism, interests, and power trump idealism. President Donald Trump jokingly described his new policy by saying, “The Monroe Doctrine is a big deal, but we’ve superseded it by a lot, by a real lot. They now call it the Donroe Doctrine.” Everybody is taking Trump’s plans and warnings more seriously than ever because he has now crowned himself king. Trump has fast-tracked the implementation of his strategic plans, and Greenland is the next stop. The Venezuela case and the political developments that followed the operation show precisely why strategic planning matters to reduce the risks we face to protect our freedoms, families, and wealth.
To make sense of the current breathtaking geopolitical developments, it is necessary to understand how the global order is collapsing. In this article, within the context of the operation in Venezuela, I’ll explain the end of the post–World War II order and what it means for Latin America.
The post–World War II order was established under U.S. leadership to prevent another catastrophic world war, amid the immediate threat of nuclear weapons. The cruelty and meaninglessness of total war forced Western leaders to come to their senses and return to older ideals of free trade and the rule of law, the only sustainable way to harmonize competing interests.
Backed by the overwhelming economic and military power of the U.S. and, in return for accepting U.S. dollars as the global reserve currency, even smaller or relatively powerless countries were allowed access to economic resources and markets under the principles of economic competition.
The political-legal framework of this agreement was founded on the principles of the United Nations, including the sovereign equality of states, non-intervention in domestic affairs, self-determination, and peaceful settlement of disputes. The world experienced a long Pax Americana that lasted more than seventy years, during which no great war occurred, and global prosperity rose dramatically.
Now, the world before us is completely different from the picture envisioned by long-gone leaders and their people. Trump is raising tariffs to support the American industrial base and challenge free-trade ideals. China, empowered by capitalism and free trade, is demanding greater influence in Southeast Asia and a larger share of global resources. Russia, meanwhile, is claiming rights over former Soviet territories and standing against NATO’s expansion. European countries seem to have totally lost their leadership and don’t know what to do amid economic, demographic, and security crises in the emerging new world. The European Union (EU) couldn’t even present a unified stance against the U.S. over the Greenland issue, nor demonstrate that it has the power to protect its own territory. Even NATO’s future is uncertain in the face of increasingly open conflicts of interest between the U.S. and the EU. Additionally, much of the developing world remains dissatisfied with its position in the global order. Last but not least, U.S. dollar dominance is in a fragile position, as it has never been before.
A status quo that no one is happy with cannot last any longer. No one knows what will happen in the next decade, but most likely the direction will be the opposite of the world we know today. Less freedom of movement for capital and people, contraction of the world economy, more immigration and demographic crises, and bigger wars between major powers.
The United States is reasserting hemispheric dominance, and the old geopolitical playbook is no longer reliable
Trump’s second term has made it clear that nothing will remain the same, with renewed trade wars, open dissatisfaction with NATO, attacks on the globalist agenda, and the revival of the Monroe Doctrine under the banner of “America First.”
The Monroe Doctrine, named after James Monroe, was issued in 1823 to establish a simple yet powerful principle. The Western Hemisphere was to remain a distinct strategic sphere, closed to external political or military intervention. This was mainly a claim of geographical dominance, driven by security concerns. Over time, it was used to justify intervention whenever instability or foreign alignment in Latin America was perceived as a threat to U.S. interests.
Although it was softened by Cold War containment structures and later masked by post–Cold War multilateral language, the Monroe Doctrine never disappeared. Now, Trump is willing to act on it openly. Any rival penetration in the Western Hemisphere, particularly in Latin America, will be handled directly, using force if deemed necessary.
That’s why the Venezuela operation carried a broader strategic message aimed at China’s expanding role in Latin America. Its involvement in the region through economic and political investment over two decades has given China strategic leverage, particularly in countries isolated from Western capital markets.
Venezuela became the clearest example of this model. Chinese funding helped the socialist regime survive periods of sanctions and isolation, and long-term oil-for-debt agreements tied Caracas to Beijing's economic orbit. The U.S. has made it clear that any government in America, particularly one under sanctions or unstable, cannot protect its territory or sovereignty by forming political alliances with foreign powers such as Russia and China.
Most likely, the U.S. is still the only country capable of executing such quick and decisive military operations against foreign governments. I'm not saying anything positive or negative about this. I'm simply telling you how I see it. Now, Trump is coming for Greenland. He is demanding to buy Greenland - the easy way - or use a military option to take control of the land - “the hard way” - for national security reasons. Trump emphasized Greenland's weak military defence, declaring that the U.S. is the only power able to protect it. He even mocked the Europeans by saying, “You know what Denmark did recently to boost security in Greenland? They added one more dog sled. It's true. They thought that was a great move.”
Some European NATO member countries, seemingly wanting to confirm Trump's arguments and demonstrate just how big a joke the EU is, sent a symbolic number of soldiers to Nuuk, Greenland's capital. Trump, with his proven reliability, very strongly made his point once more: “The problem is there's not a thing that Denmark can do about it if Russia or China wants to occupy Greenland, but there's everything we can do. You found that out last week with Venezuela.” Trump's latest move is increasing pressure on European leaders by imposing an additional 10% tariff on several European countries. In response, the EU is preparing to implement trade restrictions targeting American firms. Frankly, Europe’s weak objections suggest to me that Trump will get what he wants, one way or another.
Latin America’s relevance to expats becomes clearer when viewed through the lens of power and positioning. The Venezuela operation and subsequent developments showed that instability will be handled decisively in Latin America, without the drama of endless debates.
Just days after the Maduro operation, Delcy Rodríguez, Maduro’s ex-vice president, quickly swore herself in as Venezuela’s interim president, backed by Trump and the same power elites Maduro had previously installed in important positions. Aside from Maduro’s removal, the status quo remained intact, as the U.S. prioritized American interests over democracy-building.
American firms have already secured deals to restore and buy Venezuelan crude oil. Over 4 million barrels have already shipped to U.S.-bound refineries, and 50 million barrels are waiting in line. The U.S. has started to selectively ease economic sanctions and promised to remove them as Venezuela increases oil production, frees detainees, and curbs ties to Russia, China, and Iran. Even CIA Director Ratcliffe visited the country to make a “trust-building” deal. A pragmatic relationship between the U.S. and Venezuela has been evolving rapidly since the Maduro operation, in line with Trump’s demands. In the long run, this could evolve into genuine cooperation, giving Venezuelans a chance to enjoy a stable political and economic environment.
That’s why what happened in Venezuela has nothing to do with what happened in Iraq or Afghanistan. In fact, events were more similar to those in Panama in 1989. The U.S. military intervention to arrest Manuel Noriega was messy, flawed, and costly. Panamanians suffered greatly, and people still mourn the event. However, over the past 40 years, Panama's economy and politics have developed significantly. Despite not possessing rich natural resources beyond its Canal, Panama has become one of the most stable, secure, and prosperous countries in Latin America.
Venezuela, however, possesses some of the world's largest oil reserves, immense mineral wealth, and a strategic geography. Its stunted economic growth is not a matter of scarcity, but of decades of sustained socialism. If Venezuela were to follow even a partial version of Panama's path, its economic growth could be unprecedented.
Furthermore, if conditions improve even modestly, millions of Venezuelans in the diaspora could return with capital, experience, and networks. That kind of human and financial inflow would transform the country faster than any government program could.
Latin America looks different from Europe, which is currently turning into an open-air museum. The region is not a utopia, but the direction of travel is clear. Across Latin America, governments are moving away from socialism and toward pragmatic, pro-business policies. They have been deregulating their economies, lowering barriers to investment, launching easy residency programs, and stabilizing their political systems. The economic potential of Latin America is incredible in a time when the so-called developed world is falling into long-term stagnation. Also consider that if U.S. manufacturing and industry expand as Trump intends through tariffs and his related geopolitical strategy, Latin America would likely become the primary market for American products. I anticipate strong, long-term cooperation between the U.S. and many Latin American countries, which is becoming increasingly apparent every day.
There will always be geopolitical tensions between the U.S. and Latin American countries, but I don’t expect these tensions to lead to special operations like the one in Venezuela. That said, Cuba is a special case because regional cooperation with the communist country seems unlikely. With the Maduro operation, Cuba has lost one of its important sources of direct financial support, which is likely to push the country into serious financial trouble in the short term.
Trump has also raised several questions regarding Panama, Brazil, Colombia, and Mexico. You may remember the political tension between Panama and the U.S. over Chinese influence in the Panama Canal in 2025. Despite Trump’s threats against Panama, the two countries reached an agreement that addressed American concerns within a short time.
Several layered issues are at play with these other countries, with China’s influence-building to gain strategic leverage in the region as the main issue the U.S. is addressing. Problems related to drugs, migration, trade balance, ports, and military cooperation with the Latin American countries will also be an important part of the future negotiations within the context of the “Donroe Doctrine.”
In a world where international rules are weakening and power blocs are hardening, Latin America is the most important long-term option. It is vital to geographically diversify your risk by choosing the right jurisdictions to protect your wealth and freedom. In the emerging order, stability comes less from international institutions and more from leverage. Latin America, in the right countries, provides great room to build, move, and plan ahead.
I believe the Venezuela operation won’t destabilize Latin America; it sent a clear message. From Panama, I’ve seen the region shift toward pro-business reform. In this new world, my Plan-B is diversifying assets in the right jurisdictions
After the Maduro operation, it became clear that the region would not be destabilized. On the contrary, the Venezuela operation was executed in the least destructive manner and sent a decisive message to the world. Additionally, more countries in Latin America have been abandoning their failed socialist policies and turning toward right-wing policies, with pro-business economic reforms and open arms for foreign investment.
I also need to note that political tensions between Latin American countries and the U.S. are unlikely to lead to disruptive long-term problems, as both sides’ interests depend on constructive negotiation rather than meaningless conflict. Panamanian President José Raúl Mulino, Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum, and Colombian President Gustavo Petro have taken similar political positions during high-tension negotiations. However, the tension between Brazilian President Lula da Silva and Trump has persisted since Jair Bolsonaro’s imprisonment. Nevertheless, I am confident that all of these negotiations will lead to a mutual agreement on regional cooperation, strengthening Latin America’s geopolitical position in the world.
I’ve lived in Panama for over five years, building my business and raising my family in a peaceful, freedom-friendly setting. My strategic investments across Latin America have generated strong returns by choosing the right projects and jurisdictions. In this Brave New World, diversifying your assets in the right jurisdictions is the only serious way to protect your wealth and freedom. To learn how to begin your journey for your Plan-B, download our free special report on Plan-B Residencies & Instant Citizenships.